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Table of Contents:
What is the "Chilling Effect"
The "Bounds of Accepted
Medical Practice
The text of "The Myth of the Chilling Effect"
A table, six pie charts, and Denominator Abuse
Conclusion
A 2003 Drug Enforcement Agency DEA press release entitled "The
Myth of the Chilling Effect" is a very interesting document. It is
brief; a mere 182 words, and contains a table and six pie charts. The
overall message is: "DEA only brings actions against a miniscule proportion
of doctors, therefore actions against doctors for violations of the
Controlled Substances Act (CSA) cannot be causing other doctors to seek to
avoid such actions by failing to use opioid analgesics appropriately or by
refusing to prescribe them at all.
What is the "Chilling Effect"
Let's start with the title. What is a "chilling effect?" The phrase does not
exist in most dictionaries as such. "Chilling" is an adjective meaning 'so
scary as to cause chills and shudders,' and as a verb "chill" can mean 'to
depress or discourage.' Let me propose the following working definition of a
"chilling effect" that is consistent with what the DEA is addressing in its
press release:
The 'chilling effect' is the withdrawal by physicians from the appropriate
treatment of pain resulting from fear of litigation.
It is important to note that much of the public health damage here is caused not by
the doctors accused of wrongdoing, rather it is caused by
doctors-in-good-standing who, faced with a patient in pain and the risk of
being accused, modify their treatment in an attempt to avoid regulatory
attention. This distortion of the doctor-patient relationship is
complex and can be
gross or subtle. Examples include, a blanket refusal to prescribe
controlled substances even when clearly indicated or selecting a less effective and
more toxic Schedule IV or V medication regimen when a trial of Schedule II drugs would be in
the best interests of a particular patient. At the very least, some
degree of suspicion and mistrust will almost surely arise in any medical
relationship involving controlled substances.
There is very little a well-intentioned physician can do to
mitigate this risk - even experts in the medical treatment of addiction and
pain cannot make the crucial distinction, the identification of the 'legitimate
pain patient,' with confidence.
[PAIN_CHEM_DEP listServ
discussion, circa 11/2003]
Quite simply, the core presumption, that the
states-of-being: 'legitimate pain patient,' 'drug abuser,' 'diverter,'
'frequent flyer,' etc., are mutually
exclusive and dichotomous is, medically, false.
The legal punishment for mistaking a drug abuser for a pain patient can be
extremely severe; doctors are being threatened with 28-year prison terms
(Dr. Hasman), have been likened to "crack dealers" (Dr. Hurwitz)
and tried as "drug kingpins" (Dr. Bordeaux).
[Orient,
AAPS
Correspondence with DEA, 2003 and
White, "US compares VA pain doctor to 'crack dealer,'" Washington Post, 2003]
On the other hand, mistaking a pain patient for a drug addict, and thereby
committing the error of failure to appropriately treat pain, is highly
unlikely to have any legal consequences at all.
This set of legal and psychological imperatives with their attendant severe
punishments has created a near ideal environment for manifestation of the 'chilling
effect,' the under-treatment and non-treatment of pain in America.
Top of Page
The "Bounds of Accepted Medical Practice"
The CSA makes it a federal offence to prescribe controlled substances to a
drug addict for the purposes of treating or maintaining their addiction,
except in the situation where the physician holds a separate DEA license to
provide methadone maintenance. This is what defines the "Bounds of Accepted
Medical Practice" referred to in the subtitle of the DEA press release under
consideration.
Defining the medical treatment of addiction as 'outside the bounds of
accepted medical practice' is the legacy of the Harrison Narcotics Tax Act
of 1914 and this is the historical crux of the war on drugs, the war on
doctors, and the pain crisis in America.
[See: "A
Tax Act Gone Terribly Wrong" in DeLuca, 2004, "War
on Drugs, War on Doctors, and the Pain Crisis in America."]
"Our grievous error was in allowing the narcotics addict to be pushed out of
society and relegated to the criminal community. He isn't a criminal. He
never has been. And nobody looked on him as such until the furious
blitzkrieg launched around 1918 in connection with the enforcement of the
Harrison Act… Narcotics-users were "sufferers" or "patients" in those days;
they could and did get relief from any reputable medical practitioner, and
there is not the slightest suggestion that Congress intended to change this
- beyond cutting off the disreputable "pushers" who were thriving outside
the medical profession and along its peripheries... There commenced a reign
of terror. The medical profession was shamelessly bullied and threatened,
until it withdrew... as the addict's last point of contact with society."
[King, "The Narcotics Bureau and the Harrison Act: Jailing the Healers and
the Sick," Yale Law Review, 1953]
In the years after 1914, the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs (BNDD,
the historical precursor to the DEA) brought a series of cleverly
constructed indictments against physicians under the Act, and through the
courts achieved what it had not been able to through Congress: the
criminalization of drug users and of the doctors who would treat them as
patients and as human beings worthy of the same individualized medical care
as any other sufferer in a free society. "In sum, the Narcotics Division
succeeded in creating a very large criminal class for itself to police
(i.e., the whole doctor-patient-addict-peddler cornmunity), instead of the
very small one that Congress had intended (the smuggler and the peddler)."
[King, "The Narcotics Bureau and the Harrison Act: Jailing the Healers and
the Sick," Yale Law Review, 1953]
It is very important to note, before we turn our attention from this crucial
moment in American history, that as of this time there is no "drug problem,"
no public demand for governmental action against drug users, though there
were very active anti-alcohol and anti-tobacco movements.
[Brecher,
"Nineteenth-century America - a "dope-fiends paradise" in
Licit & Illicit
Drugs, Consumers Reports, 1972] The term "addict" is not yet in use, and the
under-treatment of pain is unheard of; indeed, physicians were expected to
accomplish little else beyond the skillful use of opioids to relieve the
suffering of the sick and comforting family members. This was literally the
minimal standard of care in 1914, and it is shameful and tragic that some
eighty years later Americans can no longer depend on access to this most
primitive form of medical care.
The text of "The Myth of the Chilling Effect"
The entire text of "The Myth of the 'Chilling Effect'" is contained in seven
sentences formed into four paragraphs. Every sentence is entirely true, and
the text as a whole is odd only in that the content of the first three
paragraphs make no particular point regarding the "chilling effect" the
document purports to debunk.
Paragraph one merely states that "the vast majority of practitioners
registered with DEA comply with the requirements" of the CSA.
Paragraph two outlines the mission of the DEA's Diversion Control Program (DCP),
"to prevent, detect and investigate the diversion of legitimately
manufactured controlled substances" and the requirement that "doctors to
become registered with DEA in order to prescribe, dispense or administer
controlled drugs to their patients for legitimate medical reasons."
Paragraph three, in its entirety: "The DEA may initiate an investigation of
a practitioner upon receipt of information of an alleged violation of the
provisions of the CSA and may pursue sanctions against the practitioner
based upon the facts determined from that investigation."
Paragraph four presents the first data directly relevant to the topic of the
press release and prepares the reader to consider the table and pie charts
that comprise the remainder of the document: "Since FY 1999 the DEA
registrant population has continually increased reaching almost 1 million
doctors (as of June 30, 2003). During this same time, DEA has pursued
sanctions on less than one tenth of one percent of the registered doctors.
The pie charts pictured put this in graphic perspective."
Top of Page
A table, six pie charts, and Denominator Abuse
The table and charts comprise the meat of the press release and make,
somewhat obliquely, the point as stated in the beginning of this analysis.
Here is the table which presents partial Fiscal Year (FY) 2003 data:
Total DEA registrants = 963,385
|
Number
|
% Total
Registrants
|
| Investigations
Initiated: |
557 |
0.06 |
| Actions Against
MDs: |
441 |
0.05 |
| Arrests of MDs: |
34 |
0.01 |
The table is presented without caption
or discussion except what is contained in paragraph four quoted above. The
point to be taken away, apparently, is that because the DEA initiates action
against only a small percentage of doctors therefore doctors operating
within the bounds of accepted medical practice have nothing to fear.
We are talking about risk here and the appropriate statistic is a rate. The
Numbers in the table above can correctly be used as numerators to compute this
statistic, however, Total DEA registrants is NOT the appropriate denominator
because the denominator used must include only physicians who could possibly
come to DEA attention.
I call this misleading use of an incorrectly computed rate "Denominator
Abuse."
Having a DEA license is necessary but not sufficient to put a physician at
risk of investigation, loss of license and arrest. The other requirement for
being a physician-at-risk, thereby earning a rightful place in the
denominator, is prescribing controlled substances in regimens that DEA finds
questionable, and this number is far, far smaller. It should be noted in
this regard, that DEA licensure is commonly required for hospital employment
or privileges regardless of whether a physician ever intends to prescribe CS
or even possesses the special prescription blanks necessary to do so.
Exactly how much smaller is the appropriate denominator? The answer is open
to interpretation and affected by assumptions; only the DEA could provide
the precise number and they do not publish this datum. For example, using
the complete 2002 DEA data set, "[in] 2002, according to Dr. Joel Hochman,
director of the National Foundation for the Treatment of Pain, the DEA
investigated 622 physicians, brought charges against 586, and in 426 cases medical
licenses were revoked 'for cause.'"
[Meier, "What is the risk in long-term
opioid use?" 2003] Hochman estimates
that the number of physicians practicing "chronic opioid therapy" was 5000
in 2002. If we were to use these numbers to compute the rate statistic (and assuming
that all in the numerator are also members of the denominator): 622/5000 =
0.1244 = a DEA investigation-or-action rate of 12.44 percent for
practitioners of chronic opioid therapy, orders of magnitude higher than the
DEA-reported statistic.
Please Note: I am NOT saying that Dr.
Hochman's estimate of 5000 physician practicing chronic opioid therapy is
correct. I do not know exactly how he arrived at that number or
whether, even if it was reasonably derived, it in fact represents an
appropriate denominator to compute the desired rate. I am trying here to
give a sense of how important it is to be explicit about one's assumptions
in these matters and of how extremely difficult it is, given the available
DEA data, to construct even simple rates that are more enlightening than
misleading.
The rest of the press release is pie charts. The first pie chart simply
represents the second row, "Actions Against MDs" of the table. The second
breaks down the first row of the table, "Investigations Initiated" into
subcategories. The remaining four pie charts are the same as the first for
the years 1999 through 2002. Given the denominator abuse problem discussed
above, none of the pie charts contributes anything intelligible to a
discussion of physician risk, the "chilling effect" or the problem of the
under-treatment of pain.
Conclusion
This paper analyzes the DEA press release entitled "The Myth
of the 'Chilling Effect' - Doctors Operating Within Bounds of Accepted
Medical Practice Have Nothing to Fear From DEA" which was published on
10/30/2003.
The 'chilling effect' is the withdrawal by physicians from the appropriate
treatment of pain resulting from fear of litigation.
The title-statement of the DEA press release is false, because the denominator chosen to compute
the rate
statistic it is based on is incorrect, an example of "Denominator
Abuse."
Regardless of how the rate statistic is computed, a "chilling effect," as
operationally defined in this paper, is not a solely a function of the risk
as defined by an appropriate rate, even if that could be determined. Severity of risk and the perceived
rationality or irrationality of the DEA criteria used to set the "bounds of
accepted medical practice" also play a significant role in how physicians
behave in reaction to the fear of litigation.
"The Myth of the 'Chilling Effect' presents data and purports
to be a reasoned analysis of the 'chilling effect' phenomenon. But as Dr.
William Hurwitz has pointed out in a 12/07/2003 message to the PAIN_CHEM_DEP
listServ, the DEA presents statistics relating only to their actions against
doctors and not the consequent distortion of medical practice that is the
'chilling effect' they are claiming to examine. "The same purportedly low rate of disciplinary action cannot logically
serve as an index of both cause and effect. How can one determine if there
has been a chilling effect without looking at what doctors really do? There
has been no attempt by the DEA to do so."
[Hurwitz, 12/07/2003 message to PAIN_CHEM_DEP
listServ]
I
call this misleading confusion of outcome for index event,
"Outcome Obfuscation."
One can only conclude that this DEA press release is grossly and
purposefully misleading.
[END]
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